This post is an excerpt from the book "No se baila así no más…" Volume 2 by Eveline Sigl. If you wish to delve deeper into the history of Bolivian dances, I recommend consulting this book, which provides a detailed and enriching perspective on the fascinating world of these cultural expressions.
It is essential to highlight that the Caporal dance has its roots firmly embedded in Bolivian territory and does not trace its origins to Peru, let alone Chile. From its early steps, this cultural expression has transcended borders and has become globalized, gaining recognition and admiration throughout the Americas. Its distinctive combination of energetic steps and the infectious blend of upbeat rhythms and melodies in its music have captivated numerous countries, tempting them to incorporate and adopt this Bolivian dance into their own cultural expressions.
The Caporal dance, with its vitality and expressiveness, has crossed geographical and cultural boundaries, becoming an artistic phenomenon that transcends national divisions. The influence and dissemination of this Bolivian dance have been so significant that it has resonated not only in the Americas but also in other parts of the world, serving as a cultural ambassador that highlights the richness and diversity of Latin American traditions.
Just as Tango is a symbol of Argentine passion, Caporal is a vibrant emblem of Bolivia's cultural richness, which should be recognized as exclusively Bolivian cultural heritage that everyone can freely dance.
Origins of the Bolivian dance Los Caporalesl
In a groundbreaking milestone for Bolivian cultural expression, the Caporal dance, which emerged in 1969 within the folk group "Urus del Gran Poder," was conceived and developed by the talented Estrada Pacheco family. This pioneering group, led by notable figures such as Víctor, Vicente, Jorge, Carlos, "Morocha," Lidia, and Eva Estrada, as well as Efraín, Santos, and Eddy Pacheco, marked the beginning of a tradition that persists to this day.
The Caporal dance made its debut at the Gran Poder festival in 1972, solidifying its place in the rich Bolivian folkloric landscape. Among the founders and initial protagonists of this cultural expression, names like René Quisbert, Wilson Cano, Fernando Fuentes, Moisés Ayllón, the Zamorano brothers, Escalier and Villacorta, Juan José Aguirre, Dandy Villacorta, Julio Rivas Sanjinés, Fortunato Atahuichi, Renán Quintana, and Moises Ibañez stand out, significantly contributing to the consolidation and expansion of the Caporal dance.
The Estrada Pacheco family is not only recognized as the pioneers but also as the custodians of this valuable tradition, passing down the essence and cultural significance of the Caporal dance from generation to generation. Their work and dedication have contributed to preserving and enriching this artistic expression, making it an integral component of Bolivia's cultural heritage.
The diversity of talents and personalities that comprised this initial group demonstrates collaboration and the convergence of efforts to bring to life a dance that has resonated nationally and internationally. Thus, the Caporal dance, with its deeply rooted origins in the Estrada Pacheco family and their collaborators, continues to be a vibrant and representative manifestation of Bolivia's rich cultural heritage.
The diversity of talents and personalities that formed this initial group demonstrates collaboration and the convergence of efforts to give life to a dance that has resonated nationally and internationally. Thus, the Caporal dance, with its roots deeply embedded in the Estrada Pacheco family and their collaborators, continues to be a vibrant and representative manifestation of Bolivia's rich cultural heritage.
The Caporales emerged during a "creative overflow" in the early 1970s, a period marked by the prolific creation of dances combining elements from other cultural expressions, such as the Reyes Morenos, an expansion of the Rey Moreno from the Morenada, or the Angelada, a multiplication of the Angels from the Diablada. This artistic flourishing took place in a historical context marked by military dictatorships, especially that of Hugo Banzer, who, from 1971, implemented a regime of "order, peace, and work."
Regarding the initial inspiration for the Caporales, there are two interpretations. Public opinion and researchers generally agree that the dance has its roots in the Afro-Bolivian Saya, specifically in the Caporal character. However, this assertion has contributed to confusion between the terms Saya and Caporal. Despite efforts by the Afro-Bolivian community to differentiate the Saya as specific to Afro-descendants, there persists some confusion abroad regarding both denominations.
The lack of precise delineation is surprising, especially considering that the Caporales is a relatively young dance, and many of its creators are still alive. This phenomenon may be due to a creation myth established and promoted by the Estrada brothers, who possibly sought to differentiate their dance from the Negritos/Tundiquis. Although the latter was very popular in earlier times, it is currently not considered a particularly prestigious dance nor is it associated with the same social sector that embraced the Caporales.
In this context, focusing on the "jailones" Caporales, it is more appropriate to suggest that the dance was inspired by a foreman from the Yungas than to claim it originates from the Negritos, a dance derived from Christmas carols and, in comparison, could be considered less prominent. This analysis highlights the complexity of influences and interpretations surrounding the origin of the Caporales, emphasizing the need for a deeper contextual understanding to fully appreciate its development.
In any case, it is undeniable that Alberto Pacheco, a prominent show business entrepreneur at the time, had the vision to invite an Afro-Yungueño group to La Paz, and when the 35 community members from Tocaña made their triumphant entrance into the Coliseo Cerrado, they left an indelible impression. According to the narrative of the Estrada brothers, this encounter with the Yungueño foreman and the event itself is postulated as the primary source of inspiration for the creation of the Caporales dance.
Despite this version, proposed by Héctor Escalier, Sánchez Patzy, and others, who argue that the dance originated from the Caporal of the Tundiquis/Negritos, the overlapping power imaginaries evident in the narrative are intriguing. Whether a foreman, a gaucho, a jilaqata, or a military figure, the Caporal dance always alludes to dominant masculinities, to the untamed and insurmountable virility of the leading man. In this intersection of influences, it is noteworthy that the "Urus" already had the Tundiquis dance in their repertoire, and for the Gran Poder entrance, the ancient Negritos dance merged with the recently created Caporales.
In 1972, a fusion of these two institutions occurred, namely the Fraternity Negritos del "Illimani" and the Fraternity "Urus del Gran Poder," led by the brothers Víctor and Vicente Estrada and others, under the name Caporales Tuntuna "Urus del Gran Poder," establishing itself since then as a dance within the neo-folklore genre. (Freddy Yana Coharite)
Clearly, whether directly or through the Aymara and later mestizo representation of the Negritos/Tundiquis, the character that gave rise to the Caporal dance undoubtedly drew inspiration from the Afro-Yungueño foreman. This helps explain how, despite the controversy between the Kjarkas and the Afro-Bolivian community, there are Afro-descendants who consider the Saya as the "mother" of the Caporales.
It's essential to note that the Caporales from the Afro-Yungueña Saya did not possess the fierce overseer character that mistreated the troop. The foreman that David Mendoza observed in 1993 during the Saya de Chicaloma was an older person, a respected authority, but not of imposing stature or appearance. However, considering the following quote, it seems that the urban Afro-Bolivian Saya that emerged from the '80s somehow reinterpreted and reappropriated the violent and spectacular character that the Caporal had acquired in the Caporales dance.
In the representation of the Afro-Yungueña cholita, the early Caporalas wore flat shoes or boots below the knees, adorned with bells. They wore skirts up to four fingers above the knee, combined with petticoats and panties, and folded the front brim of their cholita paceña hat, adorned with ribbons and a couple of sequins. Like in the Tundiquis, some even painted their faces with cork charcoal or cream. As for the male attire, Héctor Escalier recalls:
When we created the Caporales costumes, we had to figure out how we were going to design them. So, we copied from a Yungueño Caporal character in Coroico who lives in a coffee plantation and other situations. The gentleman who lives there wears a white shirt, original rattles from a rattlesnake on his leg, can't see, carries a traditional whip because he is a foreman, and wears a large hat to shield himself from the sun. So, observing that situation, we tried to copy, and I remember Mr. Cruz, an old embroiderer who I believe is still alive, made the first costume for us. It was a wide-legged pants, a wide jumpsuit, leather leggings, we used that with rattles, and well, the jumpsuit was large, wide-legged, we wore a blouse and crossed a traditional shawl, a shawl and a large straw hat.
The wide brim of the hat was folded upward at the front, accompanied by a red scarf around the neck. Soon, the cavalry leggings from the Regimiento Uno de La Paz were replaced with boots adorned with a row of rattles along their upper edge. The issue of masks remains somewhat ambiguous, as Carlos Estrada, Víctor Estrada, and Héctor Escalier claim that "black" masks were used since 1972, while Efraín Pacheco argues that black masks appeared a few years after the dance's creation. Milton Murillo even mentions faces painted in the style of the Negritos dance. The introduction of guarachas (wide ruffles on the sleeves) is also somewhat unclear; however, in the photo showing Víctor Estrada in 1972, a wide sleeve without guarachas is observed, which is later seen in the photos from 1974 and 1975 (which were an integral part of the regular attire of the Negritos).
As it evolved over time, the attire acquired an Afro touch with a notably international character.
… the blouse with guarachas was a copy from the Negritos Tundiquis, candombes from Uruguay, Colombia, and Cuba for their colorful and showy attire, an innovation that adapted to the Caporal costume that, in its first year, danced at Gran Poder with a mask, in a half-face style.
The only Andean-origin element in the entire attire was the urban cholita shawl, made of shiny fabric and embroidered, which the Caporales wore crossed over one shoulder and hooked at the waist.
Given the extraordinary acceptance of the dance, members of the "Urus del Gran Poder" quickly began forming their own Caporales groups. Thus, the Caporales Zangaros de Villa Victoria, Caporales Waras, Caporales Centralistas de Oruro, Bolivia Joven 77, Hermanos Escalier (Reyes de la Tuntuna), Chuquiago Producciones, Arco Iris, Amerindia, and Estrellas Nuevas emerged. Regarding the Centralistas de Oruro, it is noteworthy that the fraternity already existed as Negritos Centralistas and in 1974/75 invited the Zamorano and Escalier brothers to form the Caporales dance for this group. Special mention should be made of the Orurean tailor and embroiderer Carlos Espinoza (Ofelia), who began transforming the aesthetics of the female costume, giving it a more seductive and attractive touch, also appreciated by elite young ladies who, at that time, started participating in the Oruro Carnival.
The choreographies were spectacular and included "human pyramids and other acrobatics to the rhythm of tuntuna." However, there was still no specific music for the Caporales, and it was common to dance to the tunes of Tundiqui/Tuntuna, with early hits being the Tuntunas of Los Payas and "San Benito," recorded in 1968 by Los Jairas. The first band hired to accompany the Caporales in their performances was "Los Sombras Fantasmas" from Tiwanaku.
Power and empowerment
Undoubtedly, the Caporal emerges as an unequivocal symbol of patriarchal power. This symbolism of power is appealing not only to young individuals aspiring to inherit or be part of this dominion but also to those who already hold power and to women who admire traditional masculinity, associated with strength, success, reliability, and control. Thus, the dance of the Negritos/Tundiquis, originating in the marginalized neighborhoods of La Paz and a product of Andean mestizaje, transcends to the other side of the city, reaching the upper-middle-class "mistis." It is evident: no one wants to be a "slave"; everyone aspires to be a leader, and one way to achieve it is by becoming a Caporal.
It is essential to note that claiming that the Caporales dance had a subversive nuance against the military order of the 1970s is controversial, considering that the struggle of left-wing revolutionaries and armed guerrilla movements occurred in the 1960s, including the Cuban revolution. Regarding the hat with the star, it is necessary to clarify that it does not allude to Cuban Castroists but represents a type of headgear used in the Chaco, Brazil, and northern Argentina. The only dance that effectively served as a spokesperson for citizen discontent and rebellion was the Kullawada, led, among others, by the "Rebels with Long Hair."
It is undeniable that today it is not considered "politically correct" or even "diplomatic" to assert that a highly popular dance originated from the glorification of authoritarianism, machismo, the enjoyment of power, and the "iron fist" of the military ruling the country at that time. However, the Caporales provided an important and novel point of identification for social sectors that had not previously participated in folkloric activities. Furthermore, by appropriating the dance, elite youth countered its potential subversiveness.
While the Aymaras aim to penetrate and conquer centers of power through the Gran Poder and its fraternities in the downtown area of La Paz, elite Caporales are impeding this territorial reconquest through various strategies to direct the celebration of Gran Poder. They not only appropriate the dance but also transform it, giving it a character aligned with the idiosyncrasies of the "rich and beautiful," in line with the neoliberalism and hedonism of consumer society. This transformation involves, of course, a reconfiguration of the costume, which nowadays must be, above all, "fashionable" and attractive under the parameters of a Westernized aesthetic.
To belong to these "exclusive clubs" of elite Caporales, accessible only to tall individuals with fair skin, a "good" surname, and considerable economic capital, dancers invest substantial sums. In this way, they simultaneously reflect, construct, and consolidate their social belonging to society. This image of the Caporales is intimately linked to the construction of gender roles, inherently imbued with power relations, and the corresponding concepts of sensuality and eroticism.
Sánchez Patzy distinguishes three phases in the development of the Caporales dance, closely related to class issues and local identities. He refers to the Caporal paceño (1969-1985, founded by the Urus del Gran Poder), the Caporal orureño (1974-1980, founded by the Caporales Centralistas), and the Caporal cochabambino (1979 to the present, founded by the Caporales San Simón). Each of these periods is characterized by different aesthetics and symbolism. Thus, the Caporal, emerging from a popular neighborhood, conquers the Carnival of Oruro and becomes a university emblem, translocal, and transnational. At the same time, it abandons its identity as "Negro Tundiqui, gaucho, gitano" to gradually whiten and ultimately link with international fashion and its "youthful jailona version," becoming an "emblem of the prevailing ideology."
Characters of the Caporal dance
The Caporales dance notably stages and perpetuates gender stereotypes. While the Caporala embodies the image of femininity, considered "properly female," beautiful, attractive, and docile, the Caporal dancer, whip in hand, exhibits a strong, robust, active, attractive, and powerful masculinity. This imagery is reflected not only in the corresponding dance movements, which involve hip movements for women and the display of underwear, as well as jumps, spins, and floor strikes with boots for men but also in the lyrics of the songs.
The success of Caporales finds another significant motive in its music, which presents itself as a unique link between the Andean and tropical realms. The magic of this genre lies in its ability to fuse and harmonize elements from both musical traditions, thus creating a unique sonic bridge between these seemingly disparate cultural influences. This fusion of the Andean and tropical not only adds diversity and richness to the musical landscape but also resonates attractively with a broad audience, providing an auditory experience that transcends cultural and geographical boundaries.
One contemporary musical composition that sheds light on the essence of the Caporales dance is "Soy Caporal" by Tupay.
Toda la gente me está mirando porque soy caporal.
Las botas puestas, los cascabeles, te harán suspirar.
Cuando yo bailo, tiembla la tierra, porque soy caporal.
Con mi chicote y mi sombrero puedo enamorar.
Quiéreme como soy, (negra) ardiente como el sol (samba). Muévete con sabor (negra , siente tu corazón (samba). Bailando Caporales, yo te entregué mi amor.
The Caporal, portrayed as the "superman" who makes the earth tremble, suggests possessing extraordinary power and projects himself as an irresistible Latin lover, thus establishing a connection between the international perception of passionate and fiery Latinos with Bolivian folklore. The exaltation of strength and masculinity has its roots from the early days of the dance, and it is noteworthy that imposing figures like Tataque Quisbert and Nene Valdez, both "highland giants," have been involved in this cultural expression.
The multiple romantic conquests, particularly the display of them, are characteristic of the machismo associated with insecure young men trying to mask their lack of confidence with unrestrained behavior and a dance style that provides them with the assurance of being powerful, important, and attractive to women, turning them into displayable sexual symbols.
Furthermore, there is an expectation that dancing in a recognized ensemble will have a premonitory effect on what will materialize in real life. In other words, by representing the authoritative, powerful, and successful leader with a wrestler's athletic physique, the dancer aspires to become that figure. However, to make an impact, it is necessary to invest, as pointed out by Encinas Bustillos and Meneses Delgadillo:
The strength of a Caporal […] depends on the elaborateness of their costume […] and, therefore, the economic power of the individual: the more you can spend, the more impressive you will be, and according to this discourse, the more success you can aspire to in your personal life. Thus, virile potency is equated with economic power. (Vladimir Encinas Bustillos and Gabriela Gladys Meneses Delgadillo 2006: s.p.)
The Caporala, having forsaken traditional attire such as baggy pants, underskirts, and even embroidered underwear, opts for a tiny pair of shorts that, with each spin, reveals up to the navel, thereby contributing to a macho setting where the role of women seems confined to being at the disposal of men. Although our interviews sadly indicate that undressing does not imply liberation for women but rather encourages sexist comments and behavior, the overwhelming "sensuality" of the dance is integral to its success.
Women feel empowered by becoming urban sexual symbols that everyone desires to possess. According to anthropologist Nelson Martínez, the value of Caporales lies in "awakening sensuality and asserting itself as a discursive element of contemporary urban life."
Even the Macha or Macho Caporala, a woman who blends characteristics of the Caporal and Caporala by dancing in a low-cut blouse, pants, and boots, does not escape this eroticism. Her strong yet sensual style demonstrates that femininity and power are not mutually exclusive. The history of the Machas dates back to the early days of Caporales, as illustrated by the photo reproduced by Sánchez Patzy, where Lidia Estrada pioneered dancing as a Caporala in the Gran Poder parade around 1976, wearing high-heeled boots and marking the first feminization of the costume.
In Caporales, not only are gender roles expressed, but they have also become a significant symbol of national identity, especially in the urbanized Westernized mestizo context.
El Caporal more than a folk dance
Given the widespread dissemination and popularity driven by costume contests, choreography, and new initiation rituals that generate a certain social status, Nava Rodríguez, as early as 1992, associated Caporales with the concept of globalization. Today, websites worldwide promote the Caporales dance, and YouTube is filled with videos of Bolivian folkloric ensembles, both national and international, performing this artistic expression. With the aim of "establishing sovereignty and the nationality of the Caporales dance as intrinsic and originating from Bolivia," on December 4, 2005, Napoleón Gómez Silva organized an event that brought together 2800 Caporales dancing in Prado paceño, a record that entered the Guinness Book and undoubtedly fostered the image of a "national integration dance seeking universalization."
A key to this success lies in disconnecting the Caporales dance from its ethnic background (Afro or Aymara) and, consequently, from stereotypes about the "taciturn" and "reserved" highlanders. These stereotypes are replaced by the triumphant youthful joy and the globalized aesthetics of the "Caporales of Andean postmodernity." In this sense, the Caporales dance has led to a reversal of roles: if, in the past, the "gentlemen" would watch their female employees dance in the Gran Poder, now it is the domestic workers who go to witness how the "privileged kids" of their employers dance.
It is essential to note that, since its inception, the dance has been a conglomerate that brings together elements from various origins, from the jumps and human pyramids of the K'usillos dance (part of the repertoire of the "saltimbanqui" Estrada) to Afro-Yungueño, Afro-Caribbean, and even a touch of North American twist. Female costumes evoke the memory of North American waripoleras, while male costumes draw inspiration from galactic characters in science fiction films. This diverse origin, coupled with the incorporation of Westernized aesthetic patterns, makes it possible for not only highland youth but also those from other parts of the country and even residents abroad to fully identify with this symbol of victorious masculinity embodied in the Caporales.
Clothing of the Caporales
The Caporales dance has undergone a fascinating evolution in its attire throughout its history, reflecting significant changes in its style and design. In its early days, dancers adorned straw hats complemented with neckerchiefs, red blouses with bomb-shaped shoulder pads, jackets, and gaucho-style boots embellished with bells. This picturesque attire not only endowed the dancers with a commanding presence but also highlighted the richness of tradition and culture.
However, a pivotal milestone in the transformation of Caporales attire occurred during the 1974 folkloric parade. For this event, the clothing underwent a notable metamorphosis towards a more authentic appearance, representative of the Caporal figure. According to Musef's research, the previous year, in 1973, marked the creation of the first specific costumes designed exclusively for the Caporales dance.
Caporal
Currently, the crafting of Caporales costumes is entrusted to skilled embroiderers and shoemakers, not only from Los Andes Street but also from various regions across the country. These artisans contribute their expertise to meet the demands of different folkloric parades nationwide. The jacket, a central element of the attire, has evolved into a striking and meticulously embroidered piece, shining with a rich palette of colors. The shoulders, raised in the characteristic bomb shape, lend an impressive volume to the torso, while a lavishly embroidered and decorated belt accentuates the figure. The wide-cuffed pants, paired with exquisitely decorated boots emitting a distinctive sound from the bells, contribute to a multisensory experience as dancers perform their energetic steps.
Although some fraternities choose to preserve the tradition of carrying whips as an accessory, not all adhere to this practice, showcasing the diversity of interpretations and adaptations coexisting in the contemporary expression of the Caporales dance. In summary, the evolution of Caporales attire reflects not only aesthetic changes but also the ongoing vitality and adaptability of this form of cultural expression over time.
Caporala
Regarding female attire, the use of low-crowned hats and elegantly embroidered jackets stands out, the latter being designed according to each fraternity's preference. In many instances, the choice of colors is not merely aesthetic but is strategically selected to represent the emblematic colors of the fraternity, the city, or even the hues of the national tricolor. Women's jackets, adorned with bomb-shaped embellishments on the sides, feature a greater openness around the chest and back area, adding a touch of flirtation and grace to the ensemble.
On special occasions, a bolder style has been observed, characterized by the presence of short jackets and corsets that enhance the feminine silhouette. At the bottom, women wear short skirts which, combined with medium-thick-heeled shoes, complement the elegance and energy of the dance. However, there has been an evolution in footwear design, with more refined shoes featuring pointed toes and sometimes square-shaped heels, thus merging tradition with contemporary touches.
The hairstyle of female Caporales dancers is equally an essential part of their attire. Two carefully crafted braids adorned with tulmas of various colors become an artistic expression that harmonizes with the overall ensemble.
As the years pass, the length of the skirts has undergone an interesting evolution, reflecting both stylistic and social changes. Over time, skirts have shortened, exhibiting a trend towards more suggestive styles. This transformation is often interpreted in the context of the pursuit of freedom, personal expression, and the "empowerment" of women. However, it is essential to recognize that this evolution can be subject to diverse interpretations, as some may perceive it as a form of empowerment, while from another perspective, there might be questions about whether this change could be considered a form of "objectification" of women. Ultimately, the evolution of female attire in the Caporales dance reflects not only aesthetic changes but also the complexity of constantly evolving social perceptions.
Macho or Macha Caporal
Some years ago, the Caporales dance underwent a significant expansion with the introduction of a new character known as the "Macho Caporal." This addition marked a noteworthy turn by allowing more women to actively participate in this cultural expression, challenging previously established conventions. Despite its name, the Macho Caporal is embodied by female dancers who adopt attire following the distinctive style of male caporales but with a unique and feminine interpretation.
In contrast to the traditional costumes of female caporales, the Macho Caporal's outfit exhibits some notable differences. The corset, a central piece in their attire, is distinguished by a more pronounced neckline, highlighting the dancer's femininity. The bomb-shaped shoulder pads add a touch of elegance and strength to the ensemble, creating a harmonious fusion of the traditional and the contemporary.
Additionally, hairstyle plays a prominent role in characterizing the Macho Caporal. Dancers often opt for a ponytail, contributing to a dynamic aesthetic that complements the energy and movement of the dance. Distinctively, the hat is carried in hand, adding a theatrical gesture that accentuates the female figure in this role.
The inclusion of the Macho Caporal not only diversifies gender representation in the Caporales dance but also challenges and expands preexisting traditions. This character not only represents a contemporary adaptation of the dance but also contributes to the redefinition of gender roles in this specific cultural context. Thus, the Caporales dance is in constant evolution, creating space for individual and collective expression and enriching the rich cultural tradition that underlies it.
Over time, the instruments employed in the Caporales dance have evolved to create its distinctive musical rhythm. According to Musef's research, the initial chords that inspired the Estrada brothers to recreate the dance were originated by the "Pagador de Oruro" band. This band produced music for the San Benito festival, intending to honor the child Manuelito during Christmas. This music was adapted for the tuntuna dance, marking the beginning of what would later be known as the Caporales dance with its own characteristic rhythm.
Music from the dance of the Caporales
The modern music of the Caporales is performed by Bolivian musicians who have shaped a unique rhythm, a rhythm that usurpers have failed to replicate. Despite attempts by Peru and Chile, who claim ownership of this artistic expression, using Bolivian chords to interpret it, it is clear that the essence of this dance is deeply rooted in Bolivian territory.
Caporales music is enriched with a variety of folk instruments that contribute to a unique and immersive sound. Among these instruments, the Panpipes, the unmistakable sound of the conga drum, vibrant maracas, the sweet tones of the charango, and the resonance of the criolla guitar stand out. These elements, combined with the sharp sound of the whistle and other modern instruments, create a blend of irresistible rhythms that invite anyone who listens to surrender to the infectious charm of the Caporales dance. The fusion of the traditional and the contemporary in Caporales music reflects Bolivia's cultural richness and its ability to evolve without losing its roots.
Below are some artists who have excelled in composing music for the Caporales dance.
